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Radical discontinuity
Descriptive
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Text
TitleInfo
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Title
Radical discontinuity
SubTitle
syntax at the interface
TitleInfo
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Title
Syntax at the interface
Identifier
ETD_1733
Identifier
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http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.000051361
Language
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eng
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theses
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Topic
Linguistics
Subject
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Topic
Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax
Subject
(ID = SBJ-1);
(authority = ETD-LCSH)
Topic
Semantics
Abstract
In this dissertation, I examine discontinuous constituents in Ukrainian and Modern Greek and advance the Radical Discontinuity Hypothesis. I argue that discontinuous constituents in which an adjectival modifier surfaces in a distance from the noun it modifies do not result from splitting a single phrasal constituent by way of movement but are the product of long-distance concord. An adjectival modifier is base-generated at a distance from the noun and is licensed by agreement. I demonstrate that the Radical Discontinuity Hypothesis explains freedom of lexical item ordering in discontinuous constituents, complex cases of discontinuity that involve tripartitioning of the noun phrase, and contrasts in the availability of movement and discontinuity in similar syntactic environments.
While the order between lexical categories that form an agreement-based discontinuous constituent is free, functional categories always linearly precede the left-most lexical item associated with the discontinuous constituent. I claim that the surface distribution of functional categories in discontinuous constituents is determined not in narrow syntax but in the course of linearization of syntactic structure at the interface with PF. I argue that the F-value ordering principle responsible for extended projection formation in narrow syntax (Grimshaw (2005)) also guides linearization of the hierarchical structure at PF. By establishing a correlation between the asymmetric c-command and the F-value based ordering of heads of an extended projection, I formulate the Mapping Constraint on Linearization (MCL) and offer a linearization algorithm that implements it. The MCL algorithm incorporates the F-value ordering principle into the LCA of Kayne (1994) and ensures that the F-value ordering relations are enforced in a linear string. The application of the MCL algorithm extends beyond the phenomenon of constituent discontinuity and is examined in relation to various movement transformations. The MLC algorithm restricts the output of both XP and head movement, accounts for the distribution of PP-modifiers and Genitive possessors in movement-based discontinuous constructions, and derives Determiner Spreading in Modern Greek.
I also examine locality restriction on movement and agreement in Ukrainian and demonstrate that agreement is constrained not in terms of intervention effects but in terms of agreement domains, which are distinct from PIC.
While the order between lexical categories that form an agreement-based discontinuous constituent is free, functional categories always linearly precede the left-most lexical item associated with the discontinuous constituent. I claim that the surface distribution of functional categories in discontinuous constituents is determined not in narrow syntax but in the course of linearization of syntactic structure at the interface with PF. I argue that the F-value ordering principle responsible for extended projection formation in narrow syntax (Grimshaw (2005)) also guides linearization of the hierarchical structure at PF. By establishing a correlation between the asymmetric c-command and the F-value based ordering of heads of an extended projection, I formulate the Mapping Constraint on Linearization (MCL) and offer a linearization algorithm that implements it. The MCL algorithm incorporates the F-value ordering principle into the LCA of Kayne (1994) and ensures that the F-value ordering relations are enforced in a linear string. The application of the MCL algorithm extends beyond the phenomenon of constituent discontinuity and is examined in relation to various movement transformations. The MLC algorithm restricts the output of both XP and head movement, accounts for the distribution of PP-modifiers and Genitive possessors in movement-based discontinuous constructions, and derives Determiner Spreading in Modern Greek.
I also examine locality restriction on movement and agreement in Ukrainian and demonstrate that agreement is constrained not in terms of intervention effects but in terms of agreement domains, which are distinct from PIC.
PhysicalDescription
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electronic resource
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ix, 395 p.
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Note
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Ph.D.
Note
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Includes bibliographical references (p. 368-394)
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by Natalia Kariaeva
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Kariaeva
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Natalia
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Natalia Kariaeva
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Baker
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Mark
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Mark Baker
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Grimshaw
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Jane
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Jane Grimshaw
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Schwarzschild
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Roger
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Roger Schwarzschild
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den Dikken
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Marcel
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Advisory Committee
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Marcel den Dikken
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Rutgers University
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degree grantor
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Graduate School - New Brunswick
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OriginInfo
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2009
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2009-05
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xx
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Rutgers University Electronic Theses and Dissertations
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ETD
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Graduate School - New Brunswick Electronic Theses and Dissertations
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rucore19991600001
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NjNbRU
Identifier
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doi:10.7282/T3KH0NJK
Genre
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ETD doctoral
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The author owns the copyright to this work.
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Copyright protected
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Open
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Non-exclusive ETD license
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Author Agreement License
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I hereby grant to the Rutgers University Libraries and to my school the non-exclusive right to archive, reproduce and distribute my thesis or dissertation, in whole or in part, and/or my abstract, in whole or in part, in and from an electronic format, subject to the release date subsequently stipulated in this submittal form and approved by my school. I represent and stipulate that the thesis or dissertation and its abstract are my original work, that they do not infringe or violate any rights of others, and that I make these grants as the sole owner of the rights to my thesis or dissertation and its abstract. I represent that I have obtained written permissions, when necessary, from the owner(s) of each third party copyrighted matter to be included in my thesis or dissertation and will supply copies of such upon request by my school. I acknowledge that RU ETD and my school will not distribute my thesis or dissertation or its abstract if, in their reasonable judgment, they believe all such rights have not been secured. I acknowledge that I retain ownership rights to the copyright of my work. I also retain the right to use all or part of this thesis or dissertation in future works, such as articles or books.
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