Home
Resource
Constraints on subjects: an optimality theoretic analysis
PDF
PDF format is widely accepted and good for printing.
Plug-in required
PDF-1(1.02 MB)
Citation & Export
View Usage Statistics
Staff View

Citation & Export
Hide

Simple citation

Samek-Lodovici, Vieri. Constraints on subjects: an optimality theoretic analysis. Retrieved from https://doi.org/doi:10.7282/T31835DR

Export

Click here for information about Citation Management Tools at Rutgers.

Statistics
Hide

Description

TitleConstraints on subjects: an optimality theoretic analysis
NameSamek-Lodovici, Vieri (Author); Rutgers University; Graduate School-New Brunswick
Date Created1996
Other Date1996 (degree)
SubjectLinguistics, Grammar, Comparative and general--Noun phrase, Grammar, Comparative and general--Case
Extent126 p.
DescriptionThis dissertation argues for an Optimality Theoretic analysis of null subjecthood, subject inversion, agreement and structural case assignment. It does so on the basis of the hypothesis that an analysis in terms of the interaction of violable, conflicting constraints adds to the deductive structure of linguistic explanations while simplifying the definition of the relevant syntactic modules.

Among the most relevant results is a unified analysis of the crosslinguistic and language-internal distribution of null and inverted subjects. An initial investigation shows that subjects are null when referring to antecedents with topic status, and inverted when focused, a result formalized through the constraints DROPTOPIC and ALIGNFOCUS. The interaction between these constraints and the constraints SUBJECT and PARSE, favoring subjects in preverbal subject position, determines the distribution of null subjects language-internally and crosslinguistically, eliminating the need for an independent pro-drop parameter (Grimshaw & Samek-Lodovici 1995).

A second result concerns expletives, whose language specific inventories are shown to follow to a high degree from the interaction between the above constraints and FULL-INT, a constraint requiring that all constituents be interpreted. This shows that expletive inventories can be derived by way of grammar, with no recourse to lexical stipulation (Prince & Smolensky 1993, Grimshaw 1995, Grimshaw & Samek-Lodovici 1995). The analysis also predicts the universal ban on overt expletives in null subject languages.

A similar result is pursued with respect to agreement, which is derived by means of three general agreement constraint-schemata.

Finally, the position of subjects and their case assignment configuration in Italian declaratives, gerundives and subjunctives are derived from the interaction between CASEGOV, a constraint requiring case assignment under proper government, and the other constraints of UG. Once reranked, the same constraints derive declaratives in Arabic and infinitivals with overt subjects in English and Portuguese, with no appeal to a parametric account of abstract case assignment.

Crucially, the analysis of crosslinguistic variation consistently turns out to be closely tied with the analysis of language-internal variation, as predicted by an Optimality Theoretic approach to Syntax.
NotePh.D.
Genrethesis, ETD doctoral
Persistent URLhttps://doi.org/doi:10.7282/T31835DR
LanguageEnglish
CollectionRutgers Optimality Archive, Graduate School - New Brunswick Electronic Theses and Dissertations
Organization NameRutgers, The State University of New Jersey
RightsThe author owns the copyright to this work
Version 8.5.3
Rutgers University Libraries - Copyright ©2023