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Approximation in Russian and the single-word constraint

Descriptive

Genre (authority = marcgt)
thesis
Language
LanguageTerm (authority = ISO639-2); (type = code)
eng
PhysicalDescription
InternetMediaType
application/pdf
Extent
260 p.
TypeOfResource
Text
Note (type = degree)
Ph.D.
TitleInfo
Title
Approximation in Russian and the single-word constraint
Identifier (type = ROA)
876
Subject (authority = RUETD)
Topic
Slavic Languages
Subject (authority = optimality_area)
Topic
Phonology
Subject (authority = optimality_area)
Topic
Syntax
Subject (authority = optimality_area)
Topic
Morphology
Subject (authority = optimality_area)
Topic
Formal analysis
Subject (authority = LCSH)
Topic
Russian language
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
approximative
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
inversion
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
prepositional
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
qualifiers
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
prequalifiers
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
adpaucal
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
LONE-WD constraint
Abstract (type = abstract)
Russian quantifiers are known for their complexity. This dissertation investigates expressions of indefinite quantity--specifically, accusative-assigning s 'about' of approximate measure.This preposition has undergone a somewhat unique diachronic change which now requires that its complement consist of only a single word. I chronicle the advent of the single-word restriction (LONE-WD), showing historical data with multi-word complements of s. Adjective-noun and numeral-noun complements were once attested; Russian now requires only one word after s. This study investigates various apparent exceptions to LONE-WD, which are violated only under very specific circumstances. These exceptions clarify the morphosyntax of-- paucal numerals ('two' through 'four' and the fractions pol 'half' and četvert´ 'quarter'),-- 'prequantifier' adjectives,-- syntactic compounds (adjective-noun sequences which inflect separately but are treated by the syntax as a single word), and-- large-quantity numbers (tysjača 'thousand' and greater). Distributions of special genitive-singular and -plural forms, assigned only by quantifiers, are shown to be distinct: Only paucal numerals in morphological nominative case assign 'ADPAUCAL' genitive-singular forms (such as end-stressed čaSA 'hours'); a number of elements, not just numerals, trigger 'COUNT' genitive plural forms (čelovek 'people'). Other constructions discussed include okolo 'approximately', approximative inversion, ètak 'about', and neskol´ko 'several':Quantification is not a syntactic category but a semantic feature for which okolo is unmarked; okolo is quantificational only if its sister is a quantifier. Otherwise okolo is merely proximative: 'near'. Tests confirm that quantificational okolo heads a prepositional phrase within the noun phrase. While most prepositional quantifiers have this structure, accusative-assigning s is the relativized head of a hybrid phrase due to featural deficiencies.Numeral-noun complements of s undergo approximative inversion--the noun moving to specifier position--to circumvent LONE-WD. Approximative inversion is likewise subject to a variant of LONE-WD, which requires a single PROSODIC word in the quantified constituent. When inversion is impossible a pleonastic count noun is inserted instead.An Optimality-theoretic model is proposed, formalizing LONE-WD and constraints requiring prosodic contiguity and exceptions to LONE-WD caused by words expressing more closely defined measure.
Name (type = personal)
NamePart (type = family)
Billings
NamePart (type = given)
Loren Allen
Role
RoleTerm (authority = marcrelator); (type = text)
Author
Name (type = corporate)
NamePart
Princeton University
Role
RoleTerm (authority = marcrelator); (type = text)
Degree grantor
OriginInfo
DateCreated (encoding = w3cdtf); (keyDate = yes); (qualifier = exact)
1995-11
DateOther (encoding = w3cdtf); (keyDate = no); (qualifier = exact); (type = revisions)
1999
Note (type = version identification)
"Corrections added as of June 1999"
Identifier (type = hdl)
http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064877
RelatedItem (type = host)
TitleInfo
Title
Rutgers Optimality Archive
Identifier (type = local)
rucore00000002165
Location
PhysicalLocation (authority = marcorg); (displayLabel = Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey)
NjNbRU
Identifier (type = doi)
doi:10.7282/T31N8000
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Rights

RightsDeclaration (AUTHORITY = GS); (ID = rulibRdec0006)
The author owns the copyright to this work
Copyright
Status
Copyright protected
Availability
Status
Open
RightsHolder (type = personal)
Name
FamilyName
Billings
GivenName
Loren Allen
Role
Copyright holder
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Technical

ContentModel
ETD
MimeType (TYPE = file)
application/pdf
MimeType (TYPE = container)
application/x-tar
FileSize (UNIT = bytes)
3276800
Checksum (METHOD = SHA1)
0b884e0d8124478c2cfdcdc231fa98aba14cf657
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