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The dependency axiom and the relation between agreement and movement
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Linares Scarcerieau, Carlo Andrei. The dependency axiom and the relation between agreement and movement. Retrieved from https://doi.org/doi:10.7282/T3765D3J

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TitleThe dependency axiom and the relation between agreement and movement
NameLinares Scarcerieau, Carlo Andrei (author); Baker, Mark C. (chair); Safir, Ken (internal member); Camacho, José (internal member); Bobaljik, Jonathan David (outside member); Rutgers University; Graduate School - New Brunswick
Date Created2012
Other Date2012-10 (degree)
SubjectLinguistics, Grammar, Comparative and general--Agreement, Linguistics
Extentix, 430 p. : ill.
DescriptionAgreement and movement go hand in hand in a number of constructions across languages, and this correlation has played an important role in syntactic theory. The currentstandardapproach to thismovement-agreement connectionis the Agree+EPP model, whose EPP component has often been questioned on conceptual grounds. The goal of this dissertation is to developan alternative model of the movement-agreement connection that derives it from an independently motivated principle of grammar, the Dependency Axiom (DA), which regulates the way in which grammatical dependencies of differentsorts are encoded syntactically. In particular, the DA prohibits configurations in which the dominant element of a dependency is asymmetrically c-commanded by the element that depends on it. In the domain of agreement, this rules out configurations in which the target of agreement (the probe) c-commands the controller of agreement (the goal). Such configurations can be repaired, however, by moving the goal outside the c-command domain of the probe: this would be the core mechanism underlying the relation between agreement and movement. Furthermore, evidence from Swedish and Hindi is discussed, which suggests that this movement does not have to target the specifier of the probe, as long as the goal escapes the c-command domain of the latter –a state of affairs incompatible with the Agree+EPP model, but expected under the DA. The dissertation also addressesthe main empirical problem of the DA theory, which is the existence of several kinds of constructions in which the goal seems never to escape the c-command domain of the probe. I show that in these construction types, agreement often obtains in violation of syntacticlocality principles, and seems instead sensitive to linear adjacency. This leads to the conclusion that the relevant forms of agreement obtain at PF, and thus it not expected for them to be subject to syntactic conditions such as the DA.
NotePh.D.
NoteIncludes bibliographical references
NoteIncludes vita
Noteby Carlo Andrei Linares Scarcerieau
Genretheses, ETD doctoral
Persistent URLhttps://doi.org/doi:10.7282/T3765D3J
Languageeng
CollectionGraduate School - New Brunswick Electronic Theses and Dissertations
Organization NameRutgers, The State University of New Jersey
RightsThe author owns the copyright to this work.
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