DescriptionIn some languages, certain vowels are invisible to syllable-sensitive processes, but only in certain contexts. This paper argues that metrically invisible vowels are undominated by a syllable node in prosodic structure. Considering mainly Mohawk and Passamaquoddy, the behavior of these "weak vowels" is derived from pressure to avoid using weak vowels as syllable nuclei, countered by pressure to realize underlying segments in well-formed syllables. Because not only epenthetic vowels can be weak vowels, their unsuitability as syllable nuclei is derived representationally, through amount of underlying prosodic structure. Existing analyses of the data are critiqued, and the theoretical implications and potential extensions are discussed.
NoteThe definitive version of this paper was published in PF: Papers at the Interface (1997) and is available at http://mitwpl.mit.edu/catalog/mwpl30/
NoteHagstrom, P. (1997). Contextual metrical invisibility. In B. Bruening, Y. Kang, & M. McGinnis (Eds.) PF: Papers at the interface (pp. 113-181). Cambridge, MA: Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Organization NameRutgers, The State University of New Jersey
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