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Temporal interpretation in narrative discourse and event internal reference
Descriptive
TypeOfResource
Text
TitleInfo
(ID = T-1)
Title
Temporal interpretation in narrative discourse and event internal reference
Identifier
ETD_2796
Identifier
(type = hdl)
http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore10001600001.ETD.000056146
Language
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(type = code)
eng
Genre
(authority = marcgt)
theses
Subject
(ID = SBJ-1);
(authority = RUETD)
Topic
Linguistics
Subject
(ID = SBJ-2);
(authority = ETD-LCSH)
Topic
Grammar, Comparative and general
Subject
(ID = SBJ-3);
(authority = ETD-LCSH)
Topic
English language--Verb phrase
Subject
(ID = SBJ-4);
(authority = ETD-LCSH)
Topic
Russian language--Verb phrase
Subject
(ID = SBJ-5);
(authority = ETD-LCSH)
Topic
English language--Semantics
Subject
(ID = SBJ-6);
(authority = ETD-LCSH)
Topic
Russian language--Semantics
Abstract
(type = abstract)
This dissertation argues that aspectual markers denote birelational functions from a set of events denoted by a verb-phrase (VP) to a set of VP-event-parts that are
located relative to: (i) an input encoding explicitly temporal information and (ii) an input encoding information about discourse connectivity. The proposed
analysis is implemented within Compositional Discourse Representation Theory and accounts for temporal interpretation in narrative discourse. The view that aspect describes VP-event-parts allows a straightforward comparison between the English progressive and the Russian imperfective. Both
lead to the imperfective paradox because when they combine with VPs describing non-atomic events, any one of the VP-event-parts satisfies their truth-conditions.
When the base-VP describes atomic events, however, the Russian imperfective leads to an entailment that the described event culminated because the only eventpart
that could satisfy its truth-conditions is the VP-event. In the case of the English progressive, however, coercion takes place because its truth-conditions require proper VP-event-parts. The view that aspect is birelational provides an explanation of why the Russian imperfective could lead to an entailment that the described event: (iii) took place within some salient time and (iv) did not follow a salient discourse
event. This aspect relates a VP-event-part and its consequent state relative to two inputs, which specify whether (iii) or (iv) holds. One of these inputs is a time that is supplied by the tense and whose value is constrained by temporal adverbials. The other is a state that is supplied by temporal adverbials and whose value may be fixed by the discourse context. An important consequence of the analysis is that the state input supplied by temporal adverbials determines—to a large extent—whether narrative progression is possible. For example, the state input supplied by that same day requires a salient antecedent and narrative progression follows from independent rules of anaphora resolution. Yesterday, however, introduces an unspecified state into the discourse context that is not linked to prior discourse. Finally, now introduces a state that is linked to the discourse context, but the constraints
imposed on this state are only compatible with stative VPs, which do not trigger narrative progression.
located relative to: (i) an input encoding explicitly temporal information and (ii) an input encoding information about discourse connectivity. The proposed
analysis is implemented within Compositional Discourse Representation Theory and accounts for temporal interpretation in narrative discourse. The view that aspect describes VP-event-parts allows a straightforward comparison between the English progressive and the Russian imperfective. Both
lead to the imperfective paradox because when they combine with VPs describing non-atomic events, any one of the VP-event-parts satisfies their truth-conditions.
When the base-VP describes atomic events, however, the Russian imperfective leads to an entailment that the described event culminated because the only eventpart
that could satisfy its truth-conditions is the VP-event. In the case of the English progressive, however, coercion takes place because its truth-conditions require proper VP-event-parts. The view that aspect is birelational provides an explanation of why the Russian imperfective could lead to an entailment that the described event: (iii) took place within some salient time and (iv) did not follow a salient discourse
event. This aspect relates a VP-event-part and its consequent state relative to two inputs, which specify whether (iii) or (iv) holds. One of these inputs is a time that is supplied by the tense and whose value is constrained by temporal adverbials. The other is a state that is supplied by temporal adverbials and whose value may be fixed by the discourse context. An important consequence of the analysis is that the state input supplied by temporal adverbials determines—to a large extent—whether narrative progression is possible. For example, the state input supplied by that same day requires a salient antecedent and narrative progression follows from independent rules of anaphora resolution. Yesterday, however, introduces an unspecified state into the discourse context that is not linked to prior discourse. Finally, now introduces a state that is linked to the discourse context, but the constraints
imposed on this state are only compatible with stative VPs, which do not trigger narrative progression.
PhysicalDescription
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electronic resource
Extent
xiv, 293 p. : ill.
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application/pdf
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text/xml
Note
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Ph.D.
Note
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Includes bibliographical references
Note
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Includes vita
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(type = statement of responsibility)
by Daniel Gordon Altshuler
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Altshuler
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Daniel Gordon
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1981-
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Daniel Altshuler
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Schwarzschild
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Roger
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chair
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Advisory Committee
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Roger Schwarzschild
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Bittner
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Maria
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internal member
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Advisory Committee
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Maria Bittner
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Stone
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Matthew
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Matthew Stone
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BARBARA
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Advisory Committee
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BARBARA PARTEE
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Rutgers University
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degree grantor
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Graduate School - New Brunswick
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school
OriginInfo
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2010
DateOther
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2010-10
Place
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xx
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Rutgers University Electronic Theses and Dissertations
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ETD
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Graduate School - New Brunswick Electronic Theses and Dissertations
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rucore19991600001
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NjNbRU
Identifier
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doi:10.7282/T3CZ36XW
Genre
(authority = ExL-Esploro)
ETD doctoral
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Rights
RightsDeclaration
(AUTHORITY = GS);
(ID = rulibRdec0006)
The author owns the copyright to this work.
Copyright
Status
Copyright protected
Availability
Status
Open
Reason
Permission or license
RightsHolder
(ID = PRH-1);
(type = personal)
Name
FamilyName
Altshuler
GivenName
Daniel
Role
Copyright Holder
RightsEvent
(ID = RE-1);
(AUTHORITY = rulib)
Type
Permission or license
DateTime
2010-08-02 20:21:40
AssociatedEntity
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(AUTHORITY = rulib)
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Name
Daniel Altshuler
Affiliation
Rutgers University. Graduate School - New Brunswick
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Author Agreement License
Detail
I hereby grant to the Rutgers University Libraries and to my school the non-exclusive right to archive, reproduce and distribute my thesis or dissertation, in whole or in part, and/or my abstract, in whole or in part, in and from an electronic format, subject to the release date subsequently stipulated in this submittal form and approved by my school. I represent and stipulate that the thesis or dissertation and its abstract are my original work, that they do not infringe or violate any rights of others, and that I make these grants as the sole owner of the rights to my thesis or dissertation and its abstract. I represent that I have obtained written permissions, when necessary, from the owner(s) of each third party copyrighted matter to be included in my thesis or dissertation and will supply copies of such upon request by my school. I acknowledge that RU ETD and my school will not distribute my thesis or dissertation or its abstract if, in their reasonable judgment, they believe all such rights have not been secured. I acknowledge that I retain ownership rights to the copyright of my work. I also retain the right to use all or part of this thesis or dissertation in future works, such as articles or books.
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