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Metrical and prosodic structure in optimality theory

Descriptive

Genre (authority = marcgt)
thesis
Language
LanguageTerm (authority = ISO 639-3:2007); (type = text)
English
PhysicalDescription
InternetMediaType
application/pdf
Extent
215 p.
TypeOfResource
Text
Note (type = degree)
Ph.D.
Subject (authority = RUETD)
Topic
Linguistics
Subject (authority = optimality_area)
Topic
Phonology
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
stress
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
metrical structure
Subject (authority = local)
Topic
prosodic structure
Subject (authority = LCSH)
Topic
Accents and accentuation
Subject (authority = LCSH)
Topic
Metrical phonology
Subject (authority = LCSH)
Topic
Prosodic analysis (Linguistics)
TitleInfo
Title
Metrical and prosodic structure in optimality theory
Identifier (type = ROA)
476
Identifier (type = hdl)
http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064907
Identifier (type = doi)
doi:10.7282/T3S46QRF
Abstract (type = abstract)
This dissertation examines four components of a theory of metrical stress-- the prosodic hierarchy, the system of prosodic prominence, the metrical grid, and the slope category system-- and investigates how Optimality Theoretic constraints restrict or facilitate interaction between them. The proposal is comprehensive in that it examines each of the basic types of stress alternation? binary, ternary, and unbounded?both in weight-sensitive and weight-insensitive systems. The proposal's focus, however, is the discrepancy between the wide range of binary patterns that standard accounts predict and the much smaller range of patterns that are actually attested. Of particular concern is the standard account?s over-generation of iambic patterns. In pursuit of greater restrictiveness, the proposed approach departs from the structural assumptions of current approaches in several ways. The proposed account insists on strict succession (or exhaustive parsing),tolerates improper bracketing, makes violable the foot-stress relationship, and allows prosodic categories to share entries on the metrical grid. The proposal also departs from the standard account in the division of labor between symmetrical constraints, such as Alignment, and asymmetrical constraints, such as Non Finality. Although Alignment still figures prominently in the proposed account, constraints like Non Finality play a more central role in establishing basic typologies. Given the structural assumptions, this shift in emphasis results in a different, and much smaller, range of predicted patterns.
Name (type = personal)
NamePart (type = family)
Hyde
NamePart (type = given)
Brett D.
Role
RoleTerm (authority = marcrelator); (type = text)
Author
Name (type = corporate)
NamePart
Rutgers University
Role
RoleTerm (authority = marcrelator); (type = text)
Degree grantor
OriginInfo
DateCreated (encoding = w3cdtf); (keyDate = yes); (qualifier = exact)
2001
DateOther (encoding = w3cdtf); (type = degree)
2001
RelatedItem (type = host)
TitleInfo
Title
Rutgers Optimality Archive
Identifier (type = local)
rucore00000002165
RelatedItem (type = host)
TitleInfo
Title
Graduate School - New Brunswick Electronic Theses and Dissertations
Identifier (type = local)
rucore19991600001
Location
PhysicalLocation (authority = marcorg); (displayLabel = Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey)
NjNbRU
Name (type = corporate)
NamePart
Graduate School-New Brunswick
Role
RoleTerm (authority = RULIB)
school
Genre (authority = ExL-Esploro)
ETD doctoral
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Rights

RightsDeclaration (AUTHORITY = GS); (ID = rulibRdec0006)
The author owns the copyright to this work
Copyright
Status
Copyright protected
Availability
Status
Open
RightsHolder (type = personal)
Name
FamilyName
Hyde
GivenName
Brett D.
Role
Copyright holder
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Technical

ContentModel
ETD
MimeType (TYPE = file)
application/pdf
MimeType (TYPE = container)
application/x-tar
FileSize (UNIT = bytes)
1187840
Checksum (METHOD = SHA1)
45d8d9060fffc654f3430a22b5ceb0e2fef84438
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